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Democrats could move to the middle—but should they?
As Democrats seek their way out of the political wilderness, one group says the best path forward is to stick to the middle of the road.
Third Way, an organization supposedly composed of centrist ...
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As Democrats seek their way out of the political wilderness, one group says the best path forward is to stick to the middle of the road.
Third Way, an organization supposedly composed of centrist Democrats, met last month with the goal of winning back the working class, emphasizing outreach aimed at men, and they came away convinced that the future of the party means abandoning far-left politics.
“Clearly, there is a sizeable number of working men who don’t think the party cares about their needs today,” said Kate deGruyter, senior director of communications for the think tank founded in 2005 to push moderate approaches to Democratic policy positions.
While the group has faced criticism for being funded by corporations, lobbyists, and even Republicans, there is evidence that a shift toward the center is appealing to many Democratic voters.
A recent Gallup poll showed that a growing number of Democrats believe the party should become more moderate, increasing from 34% in 2021 to 45% in 2025.
“[Voters] are not hearing about Democrats by reading the New York Times or POLITICO,” deGruyter told Daily Kos. “There are entire ecosystems and conversations that Democrats have ceded to the right.”
So where have Democrats allegedly lost ground? In a five-page document obtained by Politico, Third Way highlights adopting concepts such as “individualism” and “masculinity”—among other vague strategies like “embracing patriotism, community, and traditional American imagery (e.g., farms, main streets).”
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Scribd ContentThese talking points certainly sound familiar.
The role of the “manosphere” became a major factor in the 2024 election as Donald Trump courted young men drawn to the supposed masculinity expressed by “bro culture” podcasts and entertainers.
Trump and his MAGA minions have continued to lean into this warped vision of masculinity in the cruel and calamitous first weeks of his administration—perhaps most clearly demonstrated in their disdain for diversity initiatives throughout the government.
Speaking of warped, in his ongoing pathetic capitulation to Trump, Washington Post owner Jeff Bezos recently declared that his once-esteemed publication’s opinion writers would be barred from exploring topics other than “personal liberties and free markets”—which sounds a lot like Third Way’s emphasis on “individualism.”
“We've got to learn the right lessons to broaden our party's appeal,” said deGruyter. “Show that we understand and are focused on the priorities of voters and not activist groups, and pick strategic fights.”
“It is a losing battle to try to chase the daily outrage—there will be plenty of that,” she added.
While copying the other team’s playbook and being strategic about where and when to fight may sound appealing, other Democrats feel differently about how to best push back against Trump’s rampage—and why there’s value in doing so.
“If you ask a working-class American or just any normal American, ‘what is a Democrat?’ What do they stand for?’ They will not really be able to give you a clear answer,” New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez told Jon Stewart in a wide-ranging conversation about the state of Democratic politics.
“And so our party needs a clear and strong agenda,” she said.
Ken Martin, the newly elected chair of the Democratic National Committee, echoed this sentiment when he launched a “war room” to battle Trump’s flood of misinformation as part of an effort to remind voters that the party is “alive and kicking” and not just strategizing in backrooms and think tanks.
“We have to rebuild our coalition,” Martin said. “We need to go on offense. Trump's first weeks have shown us what happens when amateur hour meets demolition derby.”
Only time will tell which strategy Democratic voters will embrace to regain relevance—and resist a lawless president.
